Friday, 8 August 2025

On the 80th Anniversary of the Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki


reread this week the speech given by Terumi Tanaka at the ceremony to present the Nobel Peace Prize to the organisation he co-chairs, Nihon Hidankyo,  the Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organisations.



It is, as you will be aware, the 80th anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I’ve been looking at the footage of that time, listening to scratched audio recordings of the pilot who flew the bomber and hearing the voices of survivors.

I am one of the survivors of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki [taught Tanaka]. At the time, I was 13 years old, at home, around 3 kilometers east of ground zero.

It was August 9, 1945. I suddenly heard the buzzing sound of a bomber jet, and was soon after engulfed in a bright, white light. Surprised, I ran downstairs and got down on the floor, covering my eyes and ears with my hands. The next moment, an intense shock wave passed through our entire house. I have no memory of that moment, but when I came to my senses, I found myself under a large, glass sliding door. It was a miracle that none of the glass was broken, and I was somehow spared injuries.

He went on to document wandering through the devastation of the aftermath of that bombing, finding the corpses of two aunts, a cousin, and his grandfather and another uncle alive at that time – who both died shortly after.

The deaths I witnessed at that time could hardly be described as human deaths. There were hundreds of people suffering in agony, unable to receive any kind of medical attention. I strongly felt that even in war, such killing and maiming must never be allowed to happen.

The work of the organisation he leads was in part about providing care and funds for victims, but also about the attempt to save “humankind from its crisis through the lessons learned from our experience.” He claimed, on behalf of the organisation, partial credit for a “nuclear taboo” but noted 12,000 nuclear warheads still remain in the world, 4,000 of which, he said, were operationally deployed. He referred to statements made by Israeli then-and-still junior minister Amichai Ben-Eliyahu who appeared to be open to the possibility of a nuclear weapon being used in Gaza. Prime Minister Netanyahu reprimanded Ben-Eliyahu, but Tanaka doesn’t seem to be re-assured.

From a Jewish perspective, the aftermath of nuclear devastation feels reminiscent of the most apocalyptic visions of our prophets,

“A day of densest clouds, [warned the prophet Zephania, “The people] shall walk like blind men. Their blood shall be spilled like dust... Moreover, their silver and gold Shall not avail to save them.... The whole land shall be consumed.” (Chapter 1)

And in the aftermath of the second world war, throughout the Cold War and Israel pursued her own nuclear deterrence, Rabbis and religious ethicists went to work on this question – awful indeed as nuclear devastation is, can it be permitted to hold, to build and to develop nuclear weapons as a deterrent.

Rabbi Brad Artson, spends much of his 1988 book, Love Peace and Pursue Peace, classifying the Jewish approach to war, compulsory wars – to include self-defence – Milchemet Mitzvah and the optional wars Milchemet Reishut.

 And finally, towards the very end of the book, turns to nuclear war.

Recall, [he writes,] the law of the rodef, the pursuer, and how the person who was being attacked had the right to stop the attacker. The right to kill the attacker was strictly limited-only during the actual attack, and only if there was no less extreme way of preventing the assault. [he cites Talmud Sanhedrin 74a]

if one was pursuing his fellow to slay him, and the pursued could have saved himself by maiming the limb of the pursuer, but in-stead killed his pursuer, the pursued should be executed on that account.

The military parallel to this legislation about individual self-defense would imply that warfare which exceeds the minimal level of force which is required for defense is criminal-a capital offense. Nuclear warfare, in its inability to be targeted to limited goals must inevitably exceed any proportional level of force, a violation of a principle of the just conduct of war.

There is, he says, no proportionality in nuclear conflict and, he claims, proportionality is a key part of the Jewish approach to the law of War.

The former Chief Rabbi of British Orthodoxy felt similarly, writing in 1962

It would appear that a defensive war likely to endanger the survival of the attacking and the defending nation alike, if not in-deed of the entire human race, can never be justified. On the assumption, then, that the choice posed by a threatened nuclear attack would be either complete mutual destruction or surrender, only the second alternative may be morally vindicated.[1]

That is to say that Rabbi Immanuel Jakobovitz felt the nuclear response to threat would be so disproportionate as to mandate surrender.

The issue is the way in which civilian destruction comes alongside any nuclear threat. Attack on us is not understood, in Jewish thought as permitting an unlimited destructive response. I’m aware that sentence will have a contemporary resonance.  So be it.

This is Rabbi Maurice Lamm, for decades the guiding voice of Yeshiva University, writing in 1965, i an article entitled, Red or Dead.

Before the atomic era, "war or peace" was a reasonable choice. Political or economic aims could be achieved by means of war. Now, however, the development of weapons that can destroy continents and annihilate whole populations has ended the reasonableness of this choice. It has eliminated the distinction between the military and the civilian, for its devastation knows no bounds. It has nullified the possibility of victory, even the possibility of truce after war, for nothing can remain save rubble and bones.

Rabbi Artson, in his book, Love Peace, writes

There is some irony to the fact that it was Harry Truman, the only President to order the use of an atomic bomb, who understood that: [and here Artson quotes Truman]

You have got to understand that this isn't a military weapon. It is used to wipe out women, children, and unarmed people, and not for military use. So we have to treat this differently from rifles and cannon and ordinary things like that."

Artson suggests a new categorisation for war, in our time, where technology has so far outstripped the imagined horrors of legally acceptable violence in our classical texts – Michemet Mitzvah, Milchemet Reishut, Din Rodef- imagined in our classical texts. The phrase he suggests for an understanding of war in our time is מִלְחֶמֶת עִרְבּוּבְיָא Milchemet Irbuviah – literally a war of chaos.

The phrase appears once in Shir HaShirim Rabba 4:4 to describe a war of over 60,000.

Most modern warfare fits this category [Artson writes]. Yet even modern conventional wars are dwarfed in the number of lives they scar or terminate when compared to the horrible effects of thermonuclear destruction. That truly is a milhemet irbuviah, a war which brings on complete chaos, a war, in fact, which returns us to the chaos which preceded Creation-a chaos which is our impudent and foolish rejection of Creation, a rejection of life.

What are we to learn from this history, this awful history, where the wreckage and devastation of the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki are so morally challenging and where there are still 12,000 nuclear warheads and where, despite the claims that those bombs would surely bring peace to the world …. ahh, for peace in the world.

My mind returns to the remarkable opening scene in the Oscar winning documentary, The Gatekeepers featuring interviews with all the surviving directors of Israel’s Shin Bet counter-terrorist security service. I shared this in my Rosh Hashanah sermon back in September last year.

The movie, opens with grainy black and white footage of a van driving down a road. Yuval Diskin is explaining the situation.

“Let’s say,” he says, “you are hunting a terrorist and you’ve been looking for them for a long time and you can get him, but there are 1 or 2 other people in the car and you’re not sure if they are part of the gang or not. What to do? Shoot or don’t shoot? There’s no time. These situations last seconds, minutes at most. People expect a decision, and by a decision, they mean “to act.” ‘Don’t do it,’ seems easier, but it’s often harder.”

And the crosshairs of the drone footage converge on the roof of the van and the van erupts into a fireball.

The point of the movie, and I think the lesson of Hiroshima, is that it can be overwhelmingly tempting to use a weapon you have spent time and money developing and readying if you find yourselves threatened or attacked. It feels like the strong thing to do. And it will always feels as if using the very weapon you have spent time and money developing will solve the problem you face – it will bring peace. To a hammer, goes the saying, every problem looks like a nail. But the ability of weapons to bring peace is limited in the extreme – especially when this gnawing question of proportionality raises its head – as it always will in a war of chaos.

The lesson of the 80 years that have passed since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, is that the devastation of those cities does not end with the moment military victory is assured. It carries on, like a half-life, slowly, perhaps, diminishing over time, but still raw and horrendous decades after the initial destruction.

We need other paths. We need to spend the efforts and resources we, as humans, have poured into military responses and weaponry and violence into building for peace. Truman again, “Let us not become so preoccupied with weapons that we lose sight of the fact that war itself is the real villain.” Deterrence, Artson writes in the conclusion of his book, “can only be accepted temporarily,” and we must always “pursue [peace even] if is not readily obtainable.” It’s only acceptable to gather military strength to deter and use military strength to fight for peace, if fight for peace, if the fight against war if being waged with even greater commitment.

In the words of the Prayer for Peace, based on language of Rabbi Nachman

May it be Your will,
Holy One, our God, our ancestors’ God,
that you erase war and bloodshed from the world
and in its place draw down
a great and glorious peace
so that nation shall not lift up sword against nation
neither shall they learn war any more.

Rather, may all the inhabitants of the earth
recognize and deeply know
this great truth:
that we have not come into this world
for strife and division
nor for hatred and rage, 
nor provocation and bloodshed.

We have come here only
to encounter You,
eternally blessed One.

Shabbat Shalom



[1] Tradition 1962 4,2 p202

Marching to Save Hostages



There is a National March for the Hostages this Sunday. Click here to register and be sent the start location. We gather from 2pm and march to Downing Street for a rally at 4pm.

 

The March is organised by the Board of Deputies and sponsored by all (non-Chareidi) religious denominations, including Masorti Judaism, as well as communal leadership organisations and the Hostages and Missing Families Forum. The awful photos that have emerged of starving hostages in inhuman conditions are appalling. We call for the immediate unconditional release of all hostages, alive and dead. This, of course, is uncontroversial.

 

Original publicity for the March also included a call to Prime Minister Starmer to condition the recognition of a Palestinian state on the release of hostages, stating that doing otherwise risks legitimising extremism. This, of course, is arguable, but not uncontroversial.

 

And the original publicity for March featured one sponsor with a clear Israeli political affiliation, Herut Anglia – associated with Israel’s Likud party. This, I would argue, was a mistake.

 

Subsequent publicity has refocused solely on the question of releasing the hostages.

“We are united in one clear, urgent demand: the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. Regardless of our diverse political views, this is not a political issue - it is a human one. It transcends party lines, ideologies, and national borders.

Just as in British society, where differing views on government coexist, so too in Israel - a vibrant democracy where debate is a sign of strength, not weakness. The march on Sunday is a powerful testament to that democratic spirit, and to our community's unwavering commitment to the hostages and their families. Our collective voice is unwavering in calling for their safe return: Bring Them Home Now!

The time is now. The hostages don't have time to lose. We need everyone there!”

 

Herut’s sponsoring logo has been removed. Arms have been twisted; communal politics at work. This, I argue, is good news.

 

I don’t think this is a minor issue. Of course, it pales in comparison to the experience of 671 days of capture and now starvation. But we are watching the British Jewish Community work out the relationship between love of Israel in its totality and support of its government.  I’m often pulled into these arm-twisting encounters. I think they are healthy. The sad reality, of course, is that there is no such thing as ‘simply’ showing full support for Israel without expressing a position on the proper response to the invasion of 7th October, not even when it comes to the question of the hostages. While the responsibility for the capture and imprisonment of the hostages could not be clearer – Hamas and her allies deserve our utter condemnation – the reason the hostages remain in captivity is more complex. The leadership provided by Prime Minister Netanyahu is political. The right wing of his cabinet has been extremely political. So too are the campaigning efforts of more progressive voices. We shouldn’t be shying away from politics. And we certainly shouldn’t shy from seeking to engage across lines of disagreement. I encourage all to attend the rally on Sunday.

 

Two weeks ago, I offered to speak with those who take a different position from me on the question of a public letter critiquing the Israeli government in its pursuit of this war. Several of you reached out, and we’ve spoken. Thank you. We have had frank political disagreement. I have much to reflect upon. I’ve also been told that publicly criticising the government of Israel is immoral, un-Jewish, or doing Hamas’ work. I simply don’t accept that. For the past three weeks we have read Jeremiah’s critique of the first Israelite state. Trenchant doesn’t come close. Just before that we read the verse that calls us to Truly critique your fellow. Judaism has never valued uniformity.

 

In this year of marking the 80th Anniversary of the end of the World War II, I’ve been reflecting on Winston Churchill’s speech to parliament on VE Day, “The strength of the Parliamentary institution has been shown to enable it, at the same moment, to preserve all the title-deeds of democracy while waging war in the most stern and protracted form.” War shouldn’t stifle debate. We are not weaker when we disagree.

 

In this week of marking the 80th Anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima, I, like many of us, I know, am struck by the still echoing uncertainty of the result of the dropping of that bomb; moral stain or necessary herald of an era of peace. These things are worth arguing about. Lives – and every life is sacred – are at stake.

 

May peace come. May the hostages be released,

 

Shabbat Shalom,

 

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